Art on the Berlin Wall, Photo by Gonzo Carles |
As the UK
recalls the 1979-90 years, in the week of Margaret Thatcher’s death, I did some parallel reminiscing of my own in an Oxford restaurant, when the music system
began to play the Scorpions’ 1990 hit, ‘Winds of Change’, about Glasnot and the
fall of the Berlin Wall. Take me to the
magic of the moment on a glory night, when the children of tomorrow dream away
in the wind of change. It captures that moment in 1989-90, when it was
promised that Europe would be reunited, and
believed that it had embarked on a new, happier historical course.
Sitting
in an empty Oxford restaurant 23 years on, in
austerity Britain , with the
EU in serious financial crisis, the gap between that Berlin Wall moment of hope
for a new, historically more complete Europe and the current realities seemed rather stark. Yes, the countries of the former
Soviet Bloc have mostly joined the European Union, made successful (if
sometimes fragile) transitions to democracy, and their economies have long since
moved from a control to capitalist model. Yet behind these seismic changes, I
wonder as a historian if we have, somewhere along the way, suffered a failure
of collective intellectual imagination. In English-language school textbooks,
undergraduate survey texts, maps in exhibition catalogues, and even major works
by academic historians, when we speak of European history, what we are teaching
students, and what dominates our research agendas as academics, is still
overwhelmingly west European history. We have, in the UK and beyond,
collectively failed since 1989 to develop a convincing new narrative of
pre-modern European history, which takes us beyond the Cold War model,
retrospectively applied, of a thrusting west, and a distant, exotic, backward
and peripheral east. We know that this is emphatically not how Europeans in,
say, the Renaissance perceived their world and its geographies, but we don’t
have anything to put in its place. If Chamberlain could declare the
Czechoslovak crisis of 1938 to be a quarrel in ‘a faraway country between
people of whom we know nothing’, one world war, a cold war and a revolution
later, can even Oxbridge History students graduating today claim to be much
better informed?
This
is a problem if we really want to understand the wider dynamics of European
history (and I of course include British history within that category). But it
is also a political problem for the European Union, as it tries to articulate
its vision with reference chiefly to very recent history (since 1945). It’s a
political problem too more locally here in the UK . Across the country, sitting at
desks in British primary schools, there is a whole generation of children born
in the UK
to Polish, Slovak, Lithuanian parents. When the current painful debates about
history in the national curriculum are over, what kind of story are we going to
tell these particular ‘children of tomorrow’, the heirs to the revolutions of
1989, about themselves, and where they fit into Britain? How are they going to
integrate the narratives they learn at school about west European history, with
the national (or nationalist) narratives they will hear from their families
about the history of Poland or Slovakia? Now, with major public funding cuts
and media scare stories about an imminent invasion of semi-barbarian Romanians
and Bulgarians, when Central Europe has such a bad image in the UK, is a very
difficult time to try to tell a fuller, more integrated European history; but
that is also precisely why now is such an important time to start doing just
that.
If
anyone doubts that Central European history, identities and legacies do not
stop at the UK’s well-manned borders, they need only read Deborah Levy’s
‘stealthily devastating’ (to quote one reviewer) Booker Prize short-listed
novel, Swimming Home. On the surface,
a social satire about a north London literary family holidaying in the Cote
d’Azur, it is really about the challenges of surviving 20th century
Polish history, and the devastating difficulty one man faces in holding
together both a middle class British and Central European identity. Dissonance
in identity, and in the basic stories we are told about the past, is bad for
individuals, bad for societies, and bad for Europe ;
we need to tell our children better stories.
How many Romanians have you meet? Do you know about the historian of religions Mircea Eliade, the patriarch of modern sculpture Constantin Brâncuși, the aerodynamics pioneer Henri Coandă, who boosted the aircraft development etc. ... So many Barbarians !
ReplyDeleteYour speech looks very similar to a Nationalist politician we have in Romania :) !!!! I hope that your students will not become xenophobes because of your courses!
I think there's been a bit of misreading of the post here.
ReplyDeleteIt reads: 'media scare stories about an imminent invasion of semi-barbarian Romanians and Bulgarians', i.e. this is a factual statement about what the right-wing British media have been saying in recent months.
And clearly, these media statements are ones which any historian will deplore.
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